The rich societies of the West are full of poverty. In these times of virtually fully automatic production, the majority of people still have to struggle for a sufficient income. By far not everyone achieves enough success to live comfortably above the subsistence level; in fact quite a few are entirely excluded from the existing means of consumption.
These same well-organized democracies are full of violence — private and public violence toward those within the country, as well as toward those on the outside. People become victims of government decisions — and if they protest or try to resist, the police at a minimum take notice, and sometimes really come and take care of them. Others are sent to kill and die in the wars that always seem to ‘break out.’ Still others become victims of unauthorized forms of acquisitiveness or aggression by their frustrated fellow citizens. This is all the more true for the less successful countries participating in the global market economy. Outside the successful centers of democratic capitalism, poverty and violence, repression and neglect are everyday normality. And it doesn’t take a Marxist to discover and condemn this: everybody already does it — clergy of every stripe, poets, humanists, civil rights activists, and even the politicians who manage and proudly assume responsibility for these conditions.
However, no sooner do those affected, or their political guardians, complain about one of the familiar societal evils than they spout their conviction that this evil has nothing to do with, and couldn’t possibly have anything to do with, the social system in which this evil appears. They are sure that what’s continually bothering them is a corruption of the system that would never take place if the state and economy functioned the way they should. When workers are let go, they moan about alleged mismanagement; when the government slashes pensions and social welfare, those affected protest against a clumsy, unnecessary, and ultimately counterproductive policy. When wretched creatures are exploited for a few dollars an hour, excessive private avarice is seen to be at work; when hoodlums and the down-and-out knock each other off, public opinion discovers a decline in their morals; and when the government once more finds war necessary, people talk of a failure of politics.
This kind of criticism is ‘responsible’ and ‘respectable,’ because as a matter of course, it never impugns the principles of ‘our’ economy, form of government and way of life. Really, this criticism sticks to the principle that protest against any kind of nasty social condition is invalid unless it expresses the belief that the deplored evil is a malfunction of the system, not a necessary component of it. In the face of each and every negative experience, people dogmatically maintain the belief in the ‘true’ and ‘lofty’ principles of the system; the bad experience is not to be taken as an objection.
By and large, Marxist critique focuses on phenomena the bourgeois world is already familiar with and deplores as evil. But communists don’t let themselves be tied down to the dogmatism of constructive criticism, to a partisanship set from the outset on democracy and market economy. Quite to the contrary, we offer and demand the detachment necessary for an objective investigation of the causes of the evils deplored on all sides — because a fight that doesn’t aim toward the elimination of the causes is simply not serious.
Therefore, we also know that the hardship of those affected offers no guidance as to just what has to do with eliminating this hardship. Their protest considers the most awful, the most onerous situations as wrongs to be righted, in order that the casualties can better cope with the conditions that lead to these hardships. This kind of protest is a sort of supplication, and an illusory one at that. From this it follows that solidarity with the ones going to the dogs does not consist in supporting their cries for help and bolstering their marches for alms, but rather in finding out what causes their hardships and — even in the face of the victims’ opposition — insisting on fighting for the elimination of these causes.
The Marxist critique of political economy, “scientific socialism,” explains how and why the social evils the whole world deplores — unemployment and neglect, lousy wages and poverty, violence and war — are not accidental malfunctions. Rather, they are damned necessary given ‘our’ social system of private property; and given states that found their continued existence on the success of private enrichment, and compete with all their economic, political and military might against each other to acquire global, capitalistic wealth. Every article and book from GegenStandpunkt Publishers furnishes yet another proof.
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Psychology of the Private Individual
Critique of Bourgeois Consciousness
Chapter 8: Private life: On happiness and its failure in pleasure and love
April 7, 2008
Is Communism Really Dead?
April 5, 2008
Protest against the domestic and
overseas course of war
The “Other America” — Worthy of a Superpower
March 18, 2008
From 1917 to Perestroika
The Victory of Morality over Socialism
multiple pages
print (209 KB)
January 7, 2008
America’s Enemies
October 26, 2007
“Jobs” — “Globalization” — “Competitiveness” … Some remarks about the capitalistic relation between
Work and Wealth
September 26, 2007
Diplomacy — The Tool of Competition between States
August 4, 2007
The Nobel Peace Prize for a banker: Business is help, credit a human right
April 12, 2007
The War On Iraq and the Americanization of International Law
April 1, 2007
Freedom on the March, Revolution by Ballot
America Bestows Free Elections on the World
January 24, 2007
Letter to the Editors
Why we don’t make a pitch for communism with a “well thought-out concept of
a planned economy”
January 19, 2007
Great Britain — the pioneer of modern social reforms
A model lesson on the magic
formula for how to use wages and the social welfare budget as weapons in global
competition
September 24, 2006
Democracy, free enterprise, human rights and
women’s rights for the ‘Middle East’
The World Power Wants to Make the World
a Better Place
January 18, 2006
How free enterprise in New Orleans has operated once
again
September 17, 2005
Social policy as a throwaway campaign — or:
There must be an end to the troubles state and capital
are having with their national sites
Europe Needs “Structural Reforms”
June 12, 2005
News from the “New Economy”
Advantages and Disadvantages of Speculating on the Total
Market
June 10, 2005
On the mores of the American nation: People and
leaders united in struggle against evil in the world
Remarks on the Patriotism of an Imperialistically
Successful Nation
June 7, 2005
The Crisis in Argentina
A Case of Innovative Dollar Imperialism
June 5, 2005
International outcry over torture in American military
prisons
Morality in Wartime and its Use as a Weapon
of Critique
June 2, 2005
The American Antiterror War:
The Home Front
May 31, 2005
Letter to the Editors
Why are many people in developing countries poor?
July 12, 2004
The WTO Conference in Seattle — “failed”
The Nations’ Struggle for the Wealth of the World and its Latest
Battlefields
June 18, 2004
Currency and its Value
The Competition of Nations for the Wealth of the World
December 4, 2003
America’s Crusade Against Terror — Second Stage:
War on Iraq
Bringing the World into Line Undermines the
“Free West”
July 3, 2003
War against Saddam
The Latest Contributions to the
Never-Ending Debate over Just Wars and Unjustified Violence in World
Politics
May 8, 2003
The President of the United States of America Proudly
Presents:
The Official Propaganda for a New Sort of
World War
February 10, 2003
The myth of “Globalization”
The World Market as an Objective
Constraint
December 23, 2002
America — “Fighting the war on
terrorism on the domestic front”
September 29, 2002
Terror against America and the American War against
Terror
An Attack Changes the World —
or Does it Really?
August 14, 2002
On the political economy of oil
A Strategic Good and its Price
March 19, 2002
Seattle, Melbourne, Prague
Global action against the phantom known
as “Globalization”
May 29, 2001
American Power and its Use
A. The global management of force
November 6,1997
B. Global capitalism
December 18, 2000
The Kursk has Sunken
How to Reap Political Benefits from a Submarine’s
Sinking
October 17, 2000
The Shameless Charm of Imperialism
The American President Speaks Before the Duma and
Warmly Invites Russia to Subordinate Itself under the American World Order
October 17, 2000
News from Moscow
Vladimir Putin Makes a Strong Case for National Renewal
October 17, 2000
Further advances toward the “new world order”
NATO Bombs Yugoslavia to Smithereens
June 28, 1999
General Pinochet Arrested
A Didactic Drama About the Relationship Between Politics, Law, and
Morals
March 23, 1999
Three remarks on the “crisis in Japan”
February 8, 1999
Thailand
The ups and downs of an “emerging market” and
their basis in a worldwide over-accumulation
January 21, 1999
Northern Ireland
A British colonial heritage that means nothing but
trouble
February 24, 1997
The Democratic State
Critique of Bourgeois Sovereignty
June 1, 1996
From 1917 to Perestroika
The Victory of Morality over Socialism
multiple pages
print (209 KB)
January 7, 2008
Psychology of the Private Individual
Critique of Bourgeois Consciousness
chapters 1–8
April 7, 2008
Write to the GegenStandpunkt editors at
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